Margaret Mead: Perbedaan antara revisi

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[[ImageBerkas:Margaret_Mead_NYWTS.jpg|thumb|Margaret Mead]]
'''Margaret Mead''' ([[16 Desember]] [[1901]] – [[15 November]] [[1978]]) adalah seorang [[antropologi budaya|antroplog budaya]] [[Amerika Serikat|Amerika]].
 
Mead dilahirkan di [[Philadelphia, Pennsylvania]] dan dibesarkan di kota [[Doylestown, Pennsylvania]] yang tidak jauh dari situ. Ayahnya adalah seorang profesor di sebuah universitas, sementara ibunya seorang aktivis sosial. Mead lulus dari [[Barnard College]] pada 1923 dan mendapatkan gelar Ph.D.nya dari [[Universitas Columbia]] pada 1929. Pada tahun 1925 ia berangkat untuk melakukan penelitian lapangannya di [[Polinesia]]. Pada 1926 Mead bergabung dengan [[American Museum of Natural History]], [[New York City]], sebagai pembantu kurator, dan akhirnya menjadi kurator etnologi museum itu dari 1946 hingga 1969. Selain itu, ia mengajar di Universitas Columbia sebagai dosen luar biasa sejak 1954. Mengikuti teladan gurunya [[Ruth Benedict]], Mead memusatkan studinya pada masalah-masalah asuhan terhadap anak, kepribadian dan kebudayaan. (Sumber: ''The Columbia Encyclopedia'', Edisi ke-5, 1993.)
 
Temuan-temuannya yang ditulisnya dalam bukunya yang pertama, ''[[Coming of Age in Samoa]]'' (Menjadi Dewasa di Samoa) (1928), telah banyak diperdebatkan. Buku ini ditulisnya berdasarkan penelitian yang dilakukannya sebagai mahasiswa pasca-sarjana. Karya-karyanya yang diterbitkan didasarkan pada waktu ia tinggal di Pulau Sepik dan Manus, karena orang-orang yang bisa membaca dari kedua kebudayaan yang digambarkannya itu telah menantang sebagian dari pengamatannya. Namun posisinya sebagai antropolog perintis—seseorangperintis—seseorang yang menulis dengan jelas dan hidup untuk dibaca dan dipelajari oleh khalayak umum—tetapumum—tetap teguh.
 
Margaret Mead menikah tiga kali, pertama dengan [[Luther Cressman]] dan dua pernikahannya yang berikut dengan sesama antropolog, [[Reo Fortune]] dan [[Gregory Bateson]]. Dengan Bateson ia memperoleh seorang anak perempuan, yang juga seorang antropolog, [[Mary Catherine Bateson]]. Cucu perempuannya, Sevanne Margaret Kassarjian, adalah seorang aktris panggung dan televisi yang bekerja secara professional dengan nama Sevanne Martin.
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Mead meninggal di [[New York City]] pada [[15 November]] 1978, dalam usia 76 tahun.
 
== ''Menjadi dewasa di Samoa'' ==
{{main|Coming of Age in Samoa}}
Dalam pengantarnya dalam buku ''Coming of Age in Samoa'', pembimbing Mead, [[Franz Boas]], menulis signifikansi buku tersebut:
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Jadi, sebagaimana Mead sendiri menggambarkan tujuan penelitiannya: "Saya telah mencoba menjawab pertanyaan yang membuat saya pergi ke Samoa: Apakah gangguan-gangguan yang dialami remaja-remaja kita itu disebabkan oleh masa remaja itu sendiri ataukah karena peradaban? Dalam keadaan yang lain apakah kehidupan remajanya juga berbeda?" Menurut Mead memang demikian. (Lih. hlm. 6-7, American Museum of Natural History edisi 1973.)
 
Mead melakukan penelitiannya di antara sekelompok kecil orang [[Samoa]]ns — sebuah desa yang terdiri dari 600 orang di pulau [[Tau, Samoa|Ta‘ūTa‘ū]] — di sana ia berkenalan, hidup bersama, megnamati, dan mewawancarai (melalui penerjemah) 68 orang perempuan berusia 9 hingga 20 tahun.
 
Ia menyimpulkan bahwa peralihan dari kanak-kanak menjadi dewasa (masa remaja) di Samoa terjadi dengan mulus dan tidak ditandai oleh keresahan emosional ataupun psikologis, rasa cemas, atau kebingungan seperti yang tampak di AS. ([http://www.livejournal.com/users/aperey/1217.html Perey])
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<!--After an initial flurry of discussion, most anthropologists concluded that the absolute truth would probably never be known. Many, however, find Freeman's critique highly questionable. First, these critics have speculated that he waited until Mead died before publishing his critique so that she would not be able to respond. Second, they pointed out that Mead's original informants were now old women, grandmothers, and had converted to [[Christianity]]. They further pointed out that Samoan culture had changed considerably in the decades following Mead's original research, that after intense missionary activity many Samoans had come to adopt the same sexual standards as the Americans who were once so shocked by Mead's book. They suggested that such women, in this new context, were unlikely to speak frankly about their adolescent behavior. (Note also that one of Freeman's interviewees gave her born-again faith as her reason for admitting to the past deception.) Finally, they suggested that these women would not be as forthright and honest about their sexuality when speaking to an elderly man, as they would have been speaking to a young woman. Many anthropologists also accuse Freeman of having the same ethnocentric sexual point of view as the people Boas and Mead once shocked.
 
Anthropologists also criticized Freeman on methodological and empirical grounds. For example, Freeman conflated publicly articulated ideals with behavioral norms&nbsp;&mdash; that is, while many Samoan women would admit in public that it is ideal to remain a virgin, in practice they engaged in high levels of premarital sex and boasted about their sexual affairs amongst themselves (see Shore 1982: 229-230). Freeman's own data supported Mead's conclusions: in a western Samoan village he documented that 20% of 15 year-olds, 30% of 16 year-olds, and 40% of 17 year-olds had engaged in pre-marital sex (1983: 238-240). In 1983, the [[American Anthropological Association]] passed a motion declaring Freeman's ''Margaret Mead and Samoa'' "poorly written, unscientific, irresponsible and misleading." In the years that followed, anthropologists vigorously debated these issues but generally supported the critique of Freeman (see Appell 1984, Brady 1991, Feinberg 1988, Leacock 1988, Levy 1984, Marshall 1993, Nardi 1984, Patience and Smith 1986, Paxman 1988, Scheper-Hughes 1984, Shankman 1996, and Young and Juan 1985).
 
Freeman continued to argue his case in the 1999 publication of ''The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: A Historical Analysis of Her Samoan Research''.
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Another extremely influential book by Mead was ''Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies''. This became a major cornerstone of the women's liberation movement, since it claimed that females are dominant in the Tchambuli (now spelled Chambri) tribe of [[Papua New Guinea]] (in the western Pacific) without causing any special problems. The lack of male dominance may have been the result of the Australian administration's outlawing of warfare. According to contemporary research, males are dominant throughout Melanesia (although some believe that female witches have special powers). Others have argued that there is still much cultural variation throughout Melanesia, and especially in the large island of [[New Guinea]]. Moreover, male anthropologists often miss the significance of networks of political influence among females. The formal male-dominated institutions typical of some high-population density areas were not, for example, present in the same way in Oksapmin, West Sepik Province, a more sparsely populated area. Cultural patterns there were different from, say, Mt. Hagen. They were closer to those described by Mead.
 
Mead stated that the Arapesh people were pacifists, although she noted that they do on occasion engage in warfare. Meanwhile, her observations about the sharing of garden plots amongst the Arapesh, the egalitarian emphasis in child-rearing, and her documentation of predominantly peaceful relations among relatives hold up. These descriptions are very different from the "big-man" displays of dominance that were documented in more stratified New Guinea cultures&nbsp;&mdash; e.g., by Andrew Strathern. They are, indeed, as she wrote, a cultural pattern.
When Margaret Mead described her research to her students at Columbia University, she put succinctly what her objectives and her conclusions were. A first-hand account by an anthropologist who studied with Mead in the 60s and 70s provides this information:
 
:1. Mead tells of ''Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies.'' "She explained that nobody knew the degree to which temperament is biologically determined by sex. So she hoped to see whether there were cultural or social factors that affected temperament. Were men inevitably aggressive? Were women inevitably "homebodies"? It turned out that the three cultures she lived with in New Guinea were almost a perfect laboratory&nbsp;&mdash; for each had the variables that we associate with [[masculine]] and [[feminine]] in an arrangement different from ours. She said this surprised her, and wasn't what she was trying to find. It was just there.
:*"Among the Arapesh, both men and women were peaceful in temperament and neither men nor women made war.
:*"Among the Mundugumor, the opposite was true: both men and women were warlike in temperament.
:*"And the Tchambuli were different from both. The men 'primped' and spent their time decorating themselves while the women worked and were the practical ones&nbsp;&mdash; the opposite of how it seemed in early 20th century America."
([http://www.livejournal.com/users/aperey/ Perey.] Reproduced by permission of the author.)
 
:2. Mead tells of ''Growing Up in New Guinea.'' "Margaret Mead told us how she came to the research problem on which she based her Growing Up in New Guinea. She reasoned as follows: If primitive adults think in an [[animistic]] way, as [[Jean Piaget|Piaget]] says our ''children'' do, how do primitive children think?
:*"In her research on [[Manus Island]] of New Guinea, she discovered that 'primitive' children think in a very practical way and begin to think in terms of spirits etc. as they get older.
:*"Note: Animistic thinking gives feelings or personality to inanimate objects. For example, a child can say "Bad sidewalk!" if she falls and hurts herself on it&nbsp;&mdash; seeing the sidewalk as mean for causing her pain. The term animism comes from the [[Latin]] for soul, "anima." And tribal cultures often do have animistic concepts: Pueblos see the clouds as cloud people, who can be pleased or displeased by what man does&nbsp;&mdash; and give rain or drought."
([http://www.livejournal.com/users/aperey/970.html Perey]. Reproduced by permission of the author.)-->
 
== Bibliografi ==
* ''Coming of Age in Samoa'' (1928) ISBN 06880503360-688-05033-6
* ''Growing Up in New Guinea'' (1930) ISBN 06881781110-688-17811-1
* ''The Changing Culture of an Indian Tribe'' (1932)
* ''Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies'' (1935)
* ''Male and Female'' (1949) ISBN 06881467670-688-14676-7
* ''New Lives for Old: Cultural Transformation in Manus, 1928-1953'' (1956)
* ''People and Places'' (1959; buku untuk pembaca muda)
* ''Continuities in Cultural Evolution'' (1964)
* ''Culture and Commitment'' (1970)
* ''Blackberry Winter'' (1972; biografi tentang masa mudanya) ISBN 03176006560-317-60065-6
 
== Buku-buku suntingan ==
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* George Appell 1984 "Freeman's Refutation of Mead's Coming of Age in Samoa: The Implications for Anthropological Inquiry" ''Eastern Anthropology'' 37: 183-214.
* Ivan Brady 1991 "''The Samoa Reader'': Last Word or Lost Horizon?" ''Current Anthropology'' 32: 263-282.
* [[Hiram Caton, Editor]] (1990). "The Samoa Reader: Anthropologists Take Stock". University Press of America. ISBN 08191772020-8191-7720-2.
* Richard Feinberg 1988 "Margaret Mead and Samoa: ''Coming of Age'' in Fact and Fiction" ''American Anthropologist'' 90: 656-663
* [[Derek Freeman]] (1983). ''Margaret Mead and Samoa. Cambridge, London: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-54830-2.
* [[Derek Freeman]] (1999). ''The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: A Historical Analysis of Her Samoan Research''. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. ISBN 08133369370-8133-3693-7.
*Lowell D. Holmes (1987) ''Quest for the Real Samoa: the Mead/Freeman Controversy and Beyond''. South Hadley: Bergin and Garvey
* Eleanor Leacock 1988 "Anthropologists in Search of a Culture: Margaret Mead, Derek Freeman and All the Rest of Us" dalam ''Central Issues in Anthropology'' 8(1): 3-20.
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* Allan Patience and Josephy Smith 1986 "Derek Freemanin Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of a Biobehavioral Myth" ''American Anthropologist'' 88: 157-162.
* David B. Paxman 1988 "Freeman, Mead, and the Eighteenth-Century Controversy over Polynesian Society" ''Pacific Studies'' 1(3): 1-19
*Roger Sandall 2001 ''The Culture Cult: Designer Tribalism and Other Essays'' ISBN 08133386380-8133-3863-8
*Nancy Scheper-Hughes 1984 "The Margaret Mead Controversy: Culture, Biology, and Anthropological Inquiry" dalam ''Human Organization 43(1): 85-93.
* Paul Shankman 1996 "The History of Samoan Sexual Conduct and the Mead-Freeman Controversy" dalam ''American Anthropologist''98(3): 555-567.
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*[http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/mead/ Library of Congress, Margaret Mead: Human Nature and the Power of Culture]
 
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