Yustinus Martir: Perbedaan antara revisi

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== Riwayat Hidup ==
[[FileBerkas:Engraving of Justin Martyr - 2.jpg|thumbjmpl|rightka|Yustinus Martir (berjanggut) menunjukkan sebuah buku yang terbuka kepada Kaisar Romawi. Pahatan karya [[Jacques Callot]].]]
 
Yustinus Martir lahir sekitar tahun 100 M<ref>{{cite book |last=Hanegraaff | first=Wouter |year=2012 | title=Esotericism and the Academy: Rejected Knowledge in Western Culture | publisher=Cambridge University Press |location=Cambridge |isbn=9780521196215 |page = 20}}</ref> di Flavia Neapolis (sekarang [[Nablus]]) di [[Samaria]] ke dalam suatu keluarga [[paganisme|pagan]], dan mendefinisikan diri sebagai seorang [[:en:Gentile|''Gentile'']].<ref>Craig D. Allert, ''Revelation, Truth, Canon, and Interpretation: Studies in Justin Martyr's Dialogue With Trypho'', page 28 (Leiden, Brill, 2002). {{ISBN|90-04-12619-8}}</ref> Kakeknya, Bacchius, mempunyai nama Yunani, sedangkan ayahnya, Priscus, menyandang nama Latin, yang membawa spekulasi bahwa leluhurnya mungkin telah bermukim di Neapolis segera setelah kota itu didirikan atau mereka adalah keturunan komunitas "diplomatik" Romawi yang dikirimkan ke sana.<ref>Reinhold Plummer,''Early Christian authors on Samaritans and Samaritanism,'' Mohr Siebeck, 2002 p.14.</ref>
 
Dalam pembukaan ''Dialog'',<ref name=Dialogue>{{cite book|title=Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho |url=http://www.earlychristianwritings.com/text/justinmartyr-dialoguetrypho.html|author=Justin Martyr|chapter=2-8}}</ref> Yustin memaparkan pendidikan awalnya, bahwa ia tidak puas pada pendidikan mula-mula karena gagal memberikan sistem kepercayaan yang menyediakan inspirasi teologis dan metafisika bagi murid muda itu. Ia mengatakan pertama mencoba belajar pada sekolah seorang filsuf ajaran [[:en:stoicisme|Stoa], yang tidak mampu menjelaskan keberadaan Allah kepadanya. Kemudian ia berguru kepada seorang filsuf dari [[:en:Peripatetic school|sekolah Peripatetic]] tetapi kecewa karena filsuf itu terlalu menginginkan bayarannya. Selanjutnya ia pergi mendengarkan seorang filsuf beraliran [[Pythagoras]] yang menuntutnya pertama-tama belajar musik, astronomi, dan geometri, yang tidak dikehendakinya. Lalu ia mengadopsi [[Platonisme]] setelah berjumpa dengan seorang pemikir Platonis yang baru pindah ke kotanya.
{{Quote|Dan persepsi mengenai hal-hal non-material sangat menguasaiku, dan penalaran ide-ide memberiku sayap-sayap, sehingga untuk sesaat aku merasa aku telah menjadi bijaksana; begitulah kebodohanku, aku berharap sejak itu untuk mencari Allah, karena inilah akhir dari filsafat Plato.<ref name=Dialogue />}}
 
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Moved by the aged man's argument, Justin renounced both his former religious faith and his philosophical background, choosing instead to re-dedicate his life to the service of the Divine. His newfound convictions were only bolstered by the ascetic lives of the early Christians and the heroic example of the [[martyr]]s, whose piety convinced him of the moral and spiritual superiority of Christian doctrine. As a result, he thenceforth decided that the only option for him was to travel throughout the land, spreading the knowledge of Christianity as the "true philosophy." His conversion is commonly assumed to have taken place at Ephesus<ref name="J. Quasten, p.196-7">J. Quasten, ''Patrology, Volume 1: The Beginnings of Patristic Literature'' (Allen, TX: Christian Classics, 1983), p.197.</ref><ref>Plummer, 2002 p.15.</ref> though it may have occurred anywhere on the road from ''Syria Palestina'' to Rome.<ref>Skarsaune, ''The proof from prophecy,''pp.245-6 and notes 1 and 2.</ref>
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[[FileBerkas:Mosaic of St. Justin Martyr, Mount of the Beatitudes.jpg|thumbjmpl|rightka|[[Mosaik]] pemenggalan kepala Yustinus Martir.]]<!--
He then adopted the dress of a philosopher himself and traveled about teaching. During the reign of [[Antoninus Pius]] (138-161), he arrived in [[Rome]] and started his own school. [[Tatian]] was one of his pupils.<ref>Marian Hillar, ''From Logos to Trinity: The Evolution of Religious Beliefs from Pythagoras to Tertullian'', page 139 (Cambridge University Press, 2012). {{ISBN|978-1-107-01330-8}}</ref> In the reign of [[Marcus Aurelius]], after disputing with the [[Cynicism (philosophy)|cynic]] philosopher [[Crescens the Cynic|Crescens]], he was denounced by the latter to the authorities, according to Tatian (Address to the Greeks 19) and Eusebius (HE IV 16.7-8). Justin was tried, together with six companions, by [[Junius Rusticus]], who was urban prefect from 163-167, and was [[beheading|beheaded]]. Though the precise year of his death is uncertain, it can reasonably be dated by the prefectoral term of Rusticus (who governed from 162 and 168). The martyrdom of Justin preserves the court record of the trial.<ref name="J. Quasten, p.196-7"/>
{{Quote|The Prefect Rusticus says: Approach and sacrifice, all of you, to the gods. Justin says: No one in his right mind gives up piety for impiety. The Prefect Rusticus says: If you do not obey, you will be tortured without mercy. Justin replies: That is our desire, to be tortured for Our Lord, Jesus Christ, and so to be saved, for that will give us salvation and firm confidence at the more terrible universal tribunal of Our Lord and Saviour. And all the martyrs said: Do as you wish; for we are Christians, and we do not sacrifice to idols. The Prefect Rusticus read the sentence: Those who do not wish to sacrifice to the gods and to obey the emperor will be scourged and beheaded according to the laws. The holy martyrs glorifying God betook themselves to the customary place, where they were beheaded and consummated their martyrdom confessing their Saviour.<ref name="Catholic"/>}}
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== Karya ==
[[Berkas:Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519) - The Last Supper (1495-1498).jpg|jmpl|kiri|300px|''[[Perjamuan Terakhir]]'' (1498), dilukis oleh [[Leonardo da Vinci]] di Milano]]
[[FileBerkas:Iustini Philosophi et martyris Opera.tif|thumbjmpl|''Iustini Philosophi et martyris Opera'' (1636)]]
Penyebutan tertua mengenai Yustin ditemukan dalam ''Oratio ad Graecos'' karya [[Tatian]] yang menyebutnya "Yustin yang paling dikagumi", dan mengutip suatu perkataan Yustin serta mengatakan bahwa orang Cynic bernama Crescens telah menjebaknya. [[Irenaeus]]<ref>''Haer.'' I., xxviii. 1.</ref> menulis mengenai kemartiran Yustin dan mengenai Tatian sebagai murid Yustin. Irenaeus mengutip tulisan Yustin dua kali<ref>IV., vi. 2, V., xxvi. 2.</ref> dan memperlihatkan pengaruhnya dalam bagian-bagian lain. [[Tertulianus]], dalam karyanya ''Adversus Valentinianos'', menyebut Yustin seorang filsuf dan seorang martir serta antagonis paling awal terhadap [[:en:Christian heresy|ajaran sesat]]. [[Hippolitus dari Roma|Hippolitus]] dan [[:en:Methodius of Olympus|Methodius dari Olympus]] juga menyebut atau mengutip tulisan Yustin. [[Eusebius dari Kaisarea]] membahasnya dengan panjang lebar,<ref>''Church History'', iv. 18.</ref> dan menyebutkan karya-karya tulisan berikut:
# ''[[Apologi Pertama Yustinus Martir|Apologi Pertama]]'' ditujukan kepada [[Antoninus Pius]], putra-putranya, dan Senat Romawi;<ref>David Rokéah, ''Justin Martyr and the Jews'', page 2 (Leiden, Brill, 2002). {{ISBN|90-04-12310-5}}</ref>
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Setelah Rufinus, Yustin terutama dikenal dari St Irenaeus dan [[Eusebius dari Kaisarea|Eusebius]] atau dari karya-karya yang tidak jelas asal-usulnya. ''[[:en:Chronicon Paschale|Chronicon Paschale]]'' menempatkan waktu mati syahidnya pada tahun 165. Sejumlah karya lain dalam jumlah besar disebutkan berasal dari Yustin oleh Arethas, Photius, dan para penulis lain, tapi tidak dapat dilacak kebenarannya.<!-- ''Expositio rectae fidei'' has been assigned by Draseke to Apollinaris of Laodicea, but it is probably a work of as late as the 6th century. The ''[[Exhortation to the Greeks|Cohortatio ad Graecos]]'' has been attributed to Apollinaris of Laodicea, Apollinaris of Hierapolis, as well as others. The ''Epistola ad Zenam et Serenum'', an exhortation to Christian living, is dependent upon [[Clement of Alexandria]], and is assigned by [[Pierre Batiffol]] to the Novatian Bishop [[Sisinnius I of Constantinople|Sisinnius]] (c. 400). The extant work under the title "On the Sovereignty of God" does not correspond with Eusebius' description of it, though Harnack regards it as still possibly Justin's, and at least of the 2nd century. The author of the smaller treatise ''To the Greeks'' cannot be Justin, because he is dependent on Tatian; Harnack places it between 180 and 240.
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=== ''Apologi'' ===
Karya tulis Yustinus, "Apologi Pertama", ditujukan pada Kaisar [[Antoninus Pius]] (dalam bahasa Yunani berjudul ''Apologia'', yaitu suatu kata yang mengacu pada logika yang menjadi dasar kepercayaan seseorang).<ref name="Hunt">{{en}}Emily J. Hunt. 2003. Christianity in The Second century. London: Routledge Taylor&Francis Group. hal.55</ref> Dalam tulisannya ini, Yustinus menyatakan bahwa orang Kristen menuntut keadilan. Jika orang Kristen bersalah, ia harus diadili. Ia menolak bila orang Kristen dihukum karena mereka seorang Kristen. Ia juga menjelaskan mengenai ibadah Kristen dan [[Perjamuan Kudus]], sehingga kecurigaan kekaisaran Roma terhadap orang Kristen sebagai kelompok [[subversif]], amoral, dan [[kriminal]] pun terhapus. Seperti Paulus, Yustinus tidak meninggalkan orang-orang Yahudi ketika ia berpaling kepada orang-orang Yunani. Dalam karya besar Yustinus lainnya, "Dialog dengan Trypho", ia menulis kepada seorang Yahudi kenalannya, bahwa Kristus adalah penggenapan tradisi Ibrani.<ref name="Wellem"/>
 
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==== Injil ====
Yustin menggunakan materi dari kitab-kitab Injil (terutama Matius, Markus dan Lukas) dalam penyusunan ''Apologi Pertama'' dan ''Dialogue'', baik secara langsung, seperti halnya [[Injil Matius]],<ref name="Skarsaune 1987 pp. 130,163" /> atau secara tidak langsung melalui penggunaan suatu [[harmoni Injil]], yang mungkin disusun sendiri oleh Yustin ataupun sekolah yang dipimpinnya.<ref name="Koester 2000 p. 344" /> Pengutipan dari [[Injil Yohanes]] hanya sedikit. Satu kemungkinan kutipan adalah dalam konteks baptisan Kristen (''1 Apol''. 61.4 – "Kecuali kamu dilahirkan kembali,, kamu tidak dapat masuk kerajaan sorga."), tetapi Koester menduga bahwa Yustin mendapatkan perkataan ini dari suatu liturgi baptisan bukannya dari tulisan Injil Yohanes.<ref name="Koester 1990 pp. 360–361">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels'' pp.&nbsp;360–361; p.&nbsp;360 – "Ia tahu dan mengutip terutama Injil Matius dan Injil Lukas; tentunya ia juga mengenal Injil Markus, meskipun hanya ada satu rujukan eksplisit kepada Injil ini (''Dial''. 106.3); ia nampaknya tidak tahu Injil Yohanes." footnote #2: "Satu-satunya rujukan kepada Injil Yohanes mungkin adalah kutipan suatu perkataan dalam ''1 Apol''. 61.4.''."''</ref> Bukti yang lebih kuat adalah kemiripan kata-kata dengan {{Alkitab|Yohanes 3:4}} langsung setelah diskusi mengenai kelahiran baru ("Jadi, apa yang mustahil bagi mereka yang sekali telah dilahirkan untuk memasuki rahim ibunya sekarang telah dinyatakan bagi semua"). Yustin juga menggunakan kata-kata yang sangat mirip dengan {{Alkitab|Yohanes 1:20}} dan {{Alkitab|Yohanes 1:28}}. Lebih lanjut, dengan memakai istilah "catatan kenangan para rasul" ("memoirs of the apostles") dan membedakan dari tulisan-tulisan para "pengikutnya", Yustin harusnya tahu bahwa paling sedikit dua kitab Injil ditulis oleh rasul-rasul asli. Karena salah satunya jelas adalah Matius, yang lain tentunya adalah Yohanes.
 
==== Catatan kenangan para rasul ====
Yustinus (Yustin) Martir, dalam [[Apologi Pertama Yustinus Martir|''Apologi Pertama (1 Apol.)'']] (~155) dan ''[[Dialog dengan Trypho]] (Dialog)'' (c. 160),<ref name="Rokeah 2002 p. 2">Rokeah (2002) ''Justin Martyr and the Jews'' p.&nbsp;2 – Karyanya ''Apologi Pertama'' bertarikh sekitar 155 M, karena menyebutkan (bab 29) prokurator Mesir, Felix, yang menjabat antara tahun 151 dan 154. Grant (''Greek Apologists'' pp.&nbsp;53–54) mengkaitkan ''Apologi Pertama'' dengan catatan mati syahidnya [[Polikarpus]], uskup [[Smirna]], yang terjadi pada tahun 155 atau 156; ia mendapati kutipan dari ''Apologi'' pada deskripsi kematian Polikarpus yang dihukum bakar dalam suatu surat yang dikirimkan oleh komunitas Kristen di Smirna kepada komunitas-komunitas Kristen lain segera setelah peristiwa itu.&nbsp;... ''Apologi Pertama'' disebutkan dalam ''Dialog dengan Trypho'' (akhir bab 120), sehingga kemungkinan dialog itu disusun sekitar tahun 160 M."</ref> kadang merujuk sumber-sumber tertulis yang terdiri dari naratif kehidupan [[Yesus]] dan kutipan-kutipan perkataan Yesus sebagai "catatan kenangan para [[rasul]]" ("'''memoirs of the apostles'''"; [[bahasa Yunani|Yunani]]: ἀπομνημονεύματα τῶν ἀποστόλων; [[Alih aksara|transliterasi]]: ''apomnêmoneúmata tôn apostólôn'') dan lebih jarang sebagai [[Injil]] (Greek: εὐαγγέλιον; transliterasi: ''euangélion'') yang, menurut Yustin, dibacakan setiap hari Minggu dalam gereja di Roma (''1 Apol''. 67.3 – "dan memoirs of the apostles atau tulisan-tulisan para nabi dibacakan selama diizinkan").<ref name="Koester 1990 p. 38">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels'' p.&nbsp;38 – "Jelaslah bahwa "catatan-catatan kenangan" ini sebenarnya adalah Injil tertulis dan yang digunakan dalam liturgi sebagai instruksi bagi Sakramen dan sebagai teks bagi homili-homili."</ref>
 
Penyebutan "catatan kenangan para rasul" ditemukan dua kali dalam karya Yustin ''1 Apol.'' (66.3, 67.3–4) dan 13 kali dalam ''Dialogue'', kebanyakan dalam tafsirannya mengenai Mazmur 22, sedangkan istilah "Injil" digunakan hanya 3 kali, sekali dalam ''1 Apol.'' 66.3 dan dua kali dalam ''Dialog''. Satu perikop di mana Yustin menggunakan kedua istilah itu (''1 Apol.'' 66.3) membuat jelas bahwa "catatan kenangan para rasul" dan "Injil" adalah sama, serta penggunaan bentuk jamak mengindikasikan bahwa Yustin sadar ada lebih dari satu Injil tertulis. ("Para rasul di dalam memoirs yang mereka buat, yang juga disebut Injil-injil, telah meneruskan apa yang diperintahkan oleh Tuhan ...").<ref name="Koester 1990 pp. 38,40–41">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development'' pp.&nbsp;38,40–41; p.&nbsp;38 – ''Dial.'' 100.4; 101.3; 102.5; 103.6,8; 104.1; 105.1,5,6; 106.1,3,4; 107.1 "In each instance the materials quoted derive from written gospels, usually from Matthew and Luke, in one instance from Mark, and each time the term serves to quote, or to refer to, gospel materials which demonstrate that the prophecy of the Psalm has been fulfilled in the story of Jesus. Istilah "catatan kenangan para rasul" are used as reliable historical records." p40 – "Yustin menggunakan istilah "Injil" hanya tiga kali: ''1 Apol.'' 66.3, ''Dialog'' 10.2; 100.1." p.&nbsp;41 – "Dapat dipastikan bahwa "Injil" merujuk kepada literatur yang sama yang oleh Yustin di bagian lain disebut "catatan kenangan para rasul". Penggunaan bentuk jamak dalam ''1 Apol.'' 66.3 mengindikasikan bahwa Yustin tahu lebih dari satu Injil tertulis."</ref> Yustin mungkin lebih suka mengggunakan penyebutan "catatan kenangan para rasul" supaya membedakan dengan "Injil" yang dibuat oleh tokoh yang hidup sezaman dengannya, [[Marcion]], untuk menekankan hubungan antara kesaksian bersejarah dari kitab-kitab Injil dengan nubuat-nubuat [[Perjanjian Lama]] yang ditolak oleh Marcion.<ref name="Koester 1990 pp. 36–37,43">Koester 1990 ''Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development'' pp.&nbsp;36–37,43; pp.&nbsp;36–37 – "...tidak ada bukti ada orang sebelum Marcion yang telah menggunakan istilah "Injil" untuk menyebut suatu dokumen tertulis.&nbsp;...tulisan-tulisan Yustin yang terlestarikan itu, dua ''Apologi'' dan ''Dialog dengan Trypho'' karyanya, jelas menunjukkan dampak-dampak tantangan Marcion." p.&nbsp;43 – "In direct antithesis to Marcion's use of the written gospel, Yustin binds these gospels to the prophetic revelation in the Old Testament scriptures."</ref>
 
Tidak jelas bagaimana asalnya Yustin menggunakan sebutan "catatan kenangan para rasul" sebagai persamaan kata untuk "kitab-kitab Injil". Sarjana [[:en:David E. Aune|David E. Aune]] berargumen bahwa kitab-kitab Injil dipolakan seperti biografi-biografi klasik [[:en:Greco-Roman|Yunani-Romawi]], dan penggunaan istilah ''apomnemoneumata'' oleh Yustin mencakup semua kitab-kitab Injil dapat dipahami sebagai rujukan kepada biografi tertulis seperti ''[[:en:Memorabilia (Xenophon)|Memorabilia Xenophon]]'' karena kitab-kitab itu melestarikan ajaran asli Yesus.<ref name="Aune 1987 p. 67">Aune (1987) ''The New Testament in its Literary Environment'' p.&nbsp;67 – "Yustin Martyr (writing ca. 155) described the Gospels as 'reminiscences [apomnemoneumata] of the apostles' (1 Apology 66.3; 67.3) and 'reminiscences of Peter' (Dialogue with Trypho 106.3). Thus Yustin, like Matthew, Luke, and Papias, prefers to designate the Gospels by a recognized literary form. Though ''apomnemoneumata'' are not carefully defined in rhetorical handbooks, they are essentially expanded chreiai, i.e., sayings and/or actions of or about specific individuals, set in a narrative framework and transmitted by ''memory'' (hence "reliable").&nbsp;... His use of the term "reminiscences", therefore, suggests a connection to Xenophon's ''Memorabilia'' (in Greek ''apomnemoneumata''), a "biography" of Socrates."</ref> Namun, sarjana [[:en:Helmut Koester|Helmut Koester]] menunjukkan bahwa judul bahasa Latin bagi "Memorabilia" baru diterapkan pada karya Xenophon pada Abad Pertengahan, dan lebih mungkin ''apomnemoneumata'' digunakan untuk menyebut penyampaian oral perkataan Yesus dalam Kekristenan mula-mula. [[Papias dari Hierapolis|Papias]] menggunakan istilah mirip yang bermakna "mengingat-ingat" (''apomnemoneusen'') ketika mengisahkan bagaimana [[Markus]] secara akurat mencatat "rekoleksi [[Simon Petrus|Petrus]]", dan Yustin juga menggunakannya dalam rujukan kepada Petrus dalam ''Dialog'' 106.3, diikuti oleh suatu kutipan yang hanya terdapat dalam [[Injil Markus]] (Mk 3:16–17). Jadi, menurut Koester, kemungkinan Yustin menerapkan sebutan "catatan kenangan para rasul" dengan cara serupa untuk mengindikasikan dapat dipercayanya rekoleksi para rasul yang didapati pada catatan tertulis kitab-kitab Injil.<ref name="Koester 1990 pp. 33–34,38–40">Koester 1990 ''Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development'' pp.&nbsp;33–34,38–40; pp.&nbsp;33–34 – "What Papias says about Mark reflects the use of categories which are drawn from the oral tradition.&nbsp;... The written gospels' authority is assured by the same technical terms which had been established for the oral tradition.&nbsp;... The term "remember" (mnemoneuein/apomnemoneuein) was decisive for the trustworthiness of the oral tradition." pp.&nbsp;39–40 – "The composite form of the verb "to remember" (apomnemoneuein) had been used by Papias of Hierapolis as a technical term for the transmission of oral materials about Jesus. If Yustin's term "memoirs of the apostles" is derived from this usage, it designates the written gospels as the true recollections of the apostles, trustworthy and accurate, and more reliable than any oral tradition which they are destined to replace."</ref>
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Yustin expounded on the gospel texts as an accurate recording of the [[Bible prophecy|fulfillment of prophecy]], which he combined with quotations of the [[Nevi'im|prophets of Israel]] from the [[LXX]] to demonstrate a proof from prophecy of the [[Kerygma|Christian kerygma]].<ref name="Koester 1990 p. 377">Koester 1990 ''Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development'' p.&nbsp;377 – "The Christian proclamation about Jesus as Son of God, however, is true (in contrast to pagan myths), because the Christians possess trustworthy historical documents – "remembrances of the apostles" – from which it can be shown that everything in Christ's appearance and work happened in complete agreement with prophecy. What is demonstrated to be true is the Christian kerygma, not the story of the gospels. The reports contained in the gospels are used to show that the facts about Christ which the kerygma proclaims happened in complete agreement with the prophecy that announced them."</ref> The importance which Yustin attaches to the words of the prophets, which he regularly quotes with the formula "it is written", shows his estimate of the Old Testament Scriptures. However, the scriptural authority he attributes to the "memoirs of the apostles" is less certain. Koester articulates a majority view among scholars that Yustin considered the "memoirs of the apostles" to be accurate historical records but not inspired writings,<ref name="Koester 1990 p. 41">Koester 1990 ''Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development'' p.&nbsp;41 – "These gospels for Yustin possess the authority of written records. Although they are read in the service of the church, they are not "Holy Scripture" like the law and the prophets."</ref> whereas scholar [[Charles E. Hill]], though acknowledging the position of mainstream scholarship, contends that Yustin regarded the fulfillment quotations of the gospels to be equal in authority.<ref name="Hill 2004">Hill (2004) pp.&nbsp;345–46; p.&nbsp;345 – "It is commonly held that in Rome of Yustin's day even the Memoirs themselves possessed only a quite limited authority."; p.&nbsp;346 – He sees in Yustin "a parity of authority between these two groups of writings".</ref>
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==== Kitab Wahyu ====
Yustin tidak mengutip langsung dari kitab [[Wahyu kepada Yohanes]], tetapi ia jelas merujuknya, menyebut [[Yohanes]] sebagai pengarangnya (''Dialogue''. 81.4 "Terlebih pula di antara kami ada seorang bernama Yohanes, salah satu rasul Kristus, bernubuat dalam suatu wahyu yang diberikan kepadanya bahwa mereka yang percaya kepada Kristus kami akan menghabiskan seribu tahun di Yerusalem; dan bahwa setelahnya orang umum dan, singkatnya, kebangkitan dan penghakiman kekal akan terjadi"). Sarjana [[:en:Brooke Foss Westcott|Brooke Westcott]] mencatat bahwa rujukan kepada pengarang satu-satunya kitab nubuat dalam Perjanjian Baru ini melukiskan pembedaan yang dibuat oleh Yustin antara peran nubuat dan penggenapan kutipan-kutipan dari kitab-kitab Injil, karena Yustin tidak menyebutkan nama kitab Injil kanonik secara individual.<ref name="Westcott 1875 p. 120">Westcott (1875) ''A general survey of the canon of the New Testament'', p.&nbsp;120 – "To quote prophecy habitually without mentioning the Prophet's name would be to deprive it of half its value; and if it seem strange that Yustin does not quote the Evangelists like Prophets, it is no less worthy of notice that he does quote by name the single prophetic book of the New Testament.&nbsp;... This reference to the Apocalypse appears to illustrate the difference which Yustin makes between his quotations from the Prophecies and the Gospels."</ref>
 
=== Sumber-sumber kesaksian ===
<!--Menurut sarjana [[Oskar Skarsaune]], Yustin relies on two main sources for his proofs from prophecy that probably circulated as collections of scriptural testimonies within his Christian school. He refers to Yustin's primary source for demonstrating scriptural proofs in the ''First Apology'' and parallel passages in the ''Dialogue'' as a "kerygma source". A second source, which was used only in the ''Dialogue'', may be identical to a lost dialogue attributed to [[Aristo of Pella]] mengenai hakikat ilahi [[Messiah#Christianity|Messiah]], ''[[Dialogue of Jason and Papiscus]]'' (c. 140). Yustin brings in biblical quotes verbatim from these sources, and he often appears to be paraphrasing his sources very closely, even in his interpretive remarks.<ref name="Skarsaune 2007 pp. 380–381">Skarsaune (2007) ''Jewish Believers in Jesus'' pp.&nbsp;380–81</ref>
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Yustin kadang-kadang menggunakan Injil Matius langsung sebagai sumber nubuat-nubuat Perjanjian Lama untuk melengkapi sumber kesaksiannya.<ref name="Skarsaune 1987 pp. 130,163">Skarsaune (1987) ''The Proof From Prophecy'' pp.&nbsp;130,163; p.&nbsp;130 – "Yustin sometimes had direct access to Matthew and quotes OT texts directly from him.&nbsp;... (The direct borrowings are most frequent in the ''Dialogue''; in the ''Apology'', Mic 5:1 in ''1 Apol''. 34:1 may be the only instance.)" p.&nbsp;163 note: Diagram of the internal structure of the putative "kerygma source", showing the insertion of scriptural quotation of Mic 5:1 from Mt. 2:6</ref><ref name="Koester 1990 pp. 382–383">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels'' pp.&nbsp;382–383 – "In the discussion of the prophecy for the place of Jesus' birth (''1 Apology'' 34), Yustin only quotes the prophecy of Micah 5:1 and then remarks that Jesus was born in this 'village in the land of Judah which is 35 stades from Jerusalem' (''1 Apol''. 34:2). No actual narrative material from a gospel is quoted.&nbsp;... However, the quotation of the text of Micah 5:1 is not given in the text of the LXX; rather, Yustin follows the form of the text quoted in Matt. 2:6.&nbsp;... The form of the quotation that appears in Matt 2:6 departs considerably from both the LXX and the Hebrew text. It is, in fact, a combination of Micah 5:1 and 2 Sam 5:2; only the latter speaks of the prince's function as the Shepard of Israel. The conflated quotation was wholly the work of Matthew. There can be no question that Yustin is quoting this Matthean text."</ref> <!--However, the fulfillment quotations from these sources most often appear to be harmonizations of the gospels of Matthew and Luke.<ref name="Koester 1990 p. 365">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels'' p.&nbsp;365 – "The vast majority of the sayings quoted in Yustin's writings are harmonizations of the texts of Matthew and Luke. These harmonizations are not casual or accidental, but systematic and consistent, (this certainly excludes...careless quotation from memory as an explanation for Yustin's harmonizations) and they involve the composition of longer sections of parallel sayings from both gospels."</ref>--> Koester berpendapat bahwa Yustin telah menyusun suatu harmoni Injil awal sejalan dengan baris-baris harmoni Injil karya muridnya, [[Tatian]], yaitu ''[[Diatessaron]]''.<ref name="Koester 2000 p. 344">Koester, (2000) ''Introduction to the New Testament: History and literature of Early Christianity.'' 2nd ed., 1982 1st ed., p.&nbsp;344 – "On the basis of the gospel quotations of the First Apology and the Dialogue with Trypho, one can conclude with great certainty that Yustin also had composed a harmony of the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke (he did not know the Gospel of John), which is lost but was used by his student Tatian for the composition of his famous and influential four-gospel harmony known as the Diatessaron."</ref> <!-- However, the existence of a harmony independent of a collection of sayings for exposition purposes has been disputed by scholar [[Arthur Bellinzoni]].<ref name="Bellinzoni 1967 p. 141">Bellinzoni (1967) ''Sayings of Jesus in Justin Martyr'' p.&nbsp;141 – "It must, however, be emphasized that there is absolutely no evidence that Yustin ever composed a complete harmony of the synoptic gospels; his harmonies were of limited scope and were apparently composed for didactic purposes. Whether the thought of a full gospel harmony ever occurred to Yustin can only be conjectured, but he apparently never undertook to compose such a work."</ref><ref name="Koester 1990 p. 370">Koester (1990) ''The Ancient Christian Gospels'' p.&nbsp;370 footnote 2: "Bellinzoni (''Sayings of Jesus in Justin Martyr'' p.&nbsp;100) collapses stage (1) [a systematic harmonization of the texts of Matthew and Luke] and (2) [the composition of a cluster of sayings that warn against false prophets] of this process. He assumes that the harmonizations were made specifically for the composition of a catechism. This assumption, however, cannot explain why also the narrative materials quoted by Yustin were drawn from a harmonized gospel text."</ref> The question of whether the harmonized gospel materials found in Yustin's writings came from a preexisting gospel harmony or were assembled as part of an integral process of creating scriptural [[prooftext]]s is an ongoing subject of scholarly investigation.<ref name="Koester 1990 p. 378">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels'' p.&nbsp;378 – "The question is whether Yustin composed these harmonizations and inserted additional phrases just for the purpose of his demonstration of scriptural proof or whether he drew on a written gospel text that was already harmonized and expanded. It seems to me that we are not witnessing the work of an apologist who randomly selects pieces of various gospels and invents additional phrases for the purpose of a tight argument of literal fulfillment of scripture; nor can one solve the complex problems of Yustin's quotations of gospel narrative materials by the hypothesis of a ready-made, established text of a harmonized gospel as his source. Rather, his writings permit insights into a school of scriptural exegesis in which careful comparison of written gospels with the prophecies of scripture endeavored to produce an even more comprehensive new gospel text."</ref>
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==== "Sumber kerygma" ====
Kutipan berikut dari ''1 Apol''. 33:1,4–5 (paralel parsial dalam ''Dial''. 84) mengenai [[annunciation]] dan [[Kelahiran Yesus|kelahiran Yesus dari seorang perawan]] menunjukkan bagaimana Yustin menggunakan ayat-ayat harmoni Injil dari Injil Matius dan Lukas untuk memberikan bukti alkitabiah bahwa Yesus adalah Mesias berdasarkan penggenapan nubuat [[Yesaya 7:14]].<ref name="Skarsaune 1987 p. 145">Skarsaune (1987) ''The Proof From Prophecy'' p.&nbsp;145 – "''1 Apol''. 33 contains an elaborate explanation of Is 7:14.&nbsp;... One notices that the fulfillment report is stylized so as to match the prophecy perfectly. That Yustin did not entirely formulate it ''ad hoc'' is demonstrated by the close parallel in the ''Proteuangelium Iakobi'' (PJ 11:3), where much of the same combination of Matthean and Lukan elements occurs. Probably all three elements (Prophecy – Exposition – Fulfillment report) were present in Yustin's source. And – as pointed out by Koester [Koester (1956) p.&nbsp;67] – it seems the same source is employed once more in ''Dial''. 84."</ref>
:"Dan dengarlah lagi bagaimana Yesaya menubuatkan bahwa Dia harus dilahirkan dari seorang perawan;; karena demikian dikatakannya: 'Lihat, perawan itu mengandung dalam rahimnya dan melahirkan seorang anak laki-laki, dan mereka akan menyebut dalam namanya, Allah beserta kita' (Matius 1:23)." (''1 Apol''. 33:1)<ref name="Koester 1990 p. 379">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels'' p.&nbsp;379 – "''1 Apol''. 33 gives as proof concerning Jesus' birth the prophecy of Isa 7:14. The text of this scriptural passage is presented in a form that is influenced by its quotation in Matt 1:23."</ref><ref name="Skarsaune 1987 pp. 32–34">Skarsaune (1987) ''The Proof From Prophecy'' pp.&nbsp;32–34; p.&nbsp;32 – "It is obvious that Yustin's quotation of IS 7:14 in ''1 Apol''. 33:1 has Mt 1:23 as its direct or indirect source. There are indications in the context which indicate that we should reckon with an intermediary source between Mt and Yustin. This intermediary source may account for the deviations from Matthew's text." p.&nbsp;33 – Diagram of Mt 1:23, Is 7:14 LXX, and ''1 Apol''. 33:1 p.&nbsp;34 – "To conclude: Although Is 7:14 has its peculiar problems in Yustin,&nbsp;... we have found confirmation for our thesis concerning Yustin and his 'testimony sources': Yustin claims the text from Mt 1:23 – probably transmitted through an intermediary source – as the true LXX."</ref>
 
:"...kuasa Allah, yang turun ke atas [[Maria|perawan itu]], menaunginya dan membuatnya selagi masih perawan untuk mengandung (bandingkan Lk 1:35), dan malaikat Allah memberitakan kepadanya dan berkata, 'Lihat, engkau akan mengandung dalam rahim dari [[Roh Kudus]] dan melahirkan seorang anak laki-laki (Mt 1:20/Lk 1:31) dan ia akan disebut Putra dari Yang Mahatinggi (Lk 1:32). Dan engkau akan menamainya Yesus, karena Ia akan menyelamatkan umat-Nya dari dosa-dosa mereka (Mt 1:21),' sebagaimana diajarkan oleh <U>mereka yang telah membuat memoirs</U> mengenai segala sesuatu tentang Juruselamat kita Yesus ... (''1 Apol''. 33:4–5)<ref name="Koester 1990 pp. 380–81">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels'' pp.&nbsp;380–81 – "The text of ''1 Apol''. 33:5 is a harmony of two angelic announcements, the one from Matthew in which the angel calls Joseph in a dream, the other from Luke's narrative of the annunciation. While the passage begins with a sentence from Luke, 'from the Holy Spirit' is interpolated from Matt 1:20. The naming of Jesus and the reason for this name is given according to Matt 1:21.&nbsp;... But in order to argue for the fulfillment of Isa 7:14 in ''1 Apol''. 33:3–6, the report of the command to name the child 'Jesus' did not need to refer to the Matthean form.&nbsp;... It is evident, therefore, that Yustin is quoting from a harmonized gospel text... Yustin's gospel text must have continued with the remainder of the Lukan pericope of the annunciation. In the introduction to the harmonization of Luke 1:31–32 and Matt 1:20–21, Yustin had already alluded to the Lukan continuation of the story: ''1 Apol''. 33:4&nbsp;... recalls Luke 1:35 ("The Holy Spirit will come upon you and the power of the Most High will overshadow you.")</ref>
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According to Skarsaune, the harmonized gospel narratives of Matthew and Luke were part of a tradition already circulating within Yustin's school that expounded on the life and work of Jesus as the Messiah and the apostolic mission. Yustin then rearranged and expanded these testimonia to create his ''First Apology''.<ref name="Skarsaune 1987 pp. 143,425">Skarsaune (1987) ''The Proof From Prophecy'' pp.&nbsp;143,425; p.&nbsp;143 – "Taking as a working hypothesis that Yustin in ''1 Apol''. 32/35 and ''Dial''. 52–54 is using a source containing OT prophecies, expositions and fulfillment reports, it is easy to recognize the different procedure in the ''Apology'' and the ''Dialogue''. In the ''Apology'', Yustin reproduces the source rather faithfully, only rearranging the material... In the ''Dialogue'' Yustin is much more independent in his handling of his (kerygma) source. He has turned to the primary sources behind the testimony source, that is, he has turned to the LXX and Matthew." p.&nbsp;425 – "The prooftexts themselves were presented in a free, targumizing version of the standard LXX text, closely adapted to Christian exegesis and polemic concerns.&nbsp;... Yustin may have become heir to ''Schriftbeweistraktate'' which were part of a school tradition. These tracts probably also comprised brief fulfillment reports. We encounter this tradition of texts and exposition in its purest form in ''1 Apol''. 31–53. Here Yustin is still almost entirely dependent on the received texts and the adjacent exegesis.&nbsp;... Yustin's main modification is a rearrangement within the series, motivated by Yustin's fear that his readers might not recognize some of his prooftexts as real prophecies."</ref><ref name="Skarsaune 2007 pp. 381–85">Skarsaune (2007) ''Jewish Believers in Jesus'' pp.&nbsp;381–85; p.&nbsp;381 – "The reason I have called this hypothetical source the "kerygma source" is twofold. First, it share some striking parallels with the lost writing ''The Kerygma of Peter'' (ca. 125) of which a few fragments are quoted in Clement of Alexandria. Second, it seems to have had a creed-like enumeration of Jesus' messianic career, a christological "kerygma", as its basic structure.</ref> The "kerygma source" of [[prooftext]]s (contained within ''1 Apol''. 31–53) is believed to have had a [[Second Coming|Two Parousias]] Christology, characterized by the belief that Jesus first came in humility, in fulfillment of prophecy, and will [[Son of man#Daniel|return in glory]] as the [[Supersessionism|Messiah to the Gentiles]].<ref name="Skarsaune 1987 pp. 154–56">Skarsaune (1987) ''The Proof From Prophecy'' pp.&nbsp;154–56; p.&nbsp;156 – "In the ''Apology'', the idea is the following: Since the prophecies covering the first coming of Christ can be shown to have been fulfilled in great detail, we may safely conclude that those prophecies which predict His glorious second coming will also be fulfilled."</ref> There are close literary parallels between the Christology of Yustin's source and the ''[[Apocalypse of Peter]]''.<ref name="Skarsaune 2007 pp. 388–9">Skarsaune (2007) ''Jewish Believers in Jesus'' pp.&nbsp;388–9 – "The Christology is clearly messianic in function: the 'Son of God' concept is demonstrated functionally as the Messiah being enthroned at God's right hand, ruling, and coming to judge the living and the dead, thus acting in a divine role. On the whole, this Christology is very close to that of Matthew, but also to the Christology of Yustin's source in ''1 Apol''. 31–53.</ref>
Baris 137:
 
=== Sumber-sumber katekismus ===
Yustin mengutip banyak perkataan Yesus dalam ''1 Apol''. 15–17 dan kelompok-kelompok perkataan lebih kecil dalam ''Dialog''. 17:3–4; 35:3; 51:2–3; and 76:4–7. Perkataan itu paling sering merupakan harmoni Injil Matius dan Lukas yang nampaknya dikelompokkan bersama menurut topik dan diorganisir menjadi koleksi perkataan, termasuk materi yang kemungkinan berasal dari suatu [[katekismus]] Kristen mula-mula.<ref name="Koester 1990 p. 361">Koester (1990) ''Ancient Christian Gospels'' p.&nbsp;361 – "The most striking feature is that these sayings exhibit many harmonizations of the text of Matthew and Luke. However, the simple assumption of a harmonized gospel cannot explain all the peculiarities of the quotations."</ref><ref name="Bellinzoni 1967 pp. 99–100">Bellinzoni (1967) ''Sayings of Jesus in Justin Martyr'' pp.&nbsp;99–100 – "It has already been argued above that the entire section ''Apol''. 15–17 may have been based on a single source different from the sources underlying the rest of Justin's sayings of Jesus, and I have tried to indicate that this section has many features in common with primitive Christian catechisms."</ref>
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The following example of an ethical teaching [[Expounding of the Law#Oaths|On Swearing Oaths]] in ''1 Apol''. 16:5 shows a combination of sayings material found in Matthew and the [[Epistle of James]]:
Baris 212:
 
== Pustaka ==
* {{cite book | last = Aune |first = David E. |<!--authorlink = David E. Aune--> | title = The New Testament in its Literary Environment | publisher = Westminster John Knox Press | year=1987 | isbn=978-0-664-21912-3 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XdSto1nkx9AC&pg=PA63&lpg=PA63&dq=Aune+Greco-Roman+%22The+New+Testament+in+its+Literary+Environment%22#v=onepage&q=Aune%20Greco-Roman%20%22The%20New%20Testament%20in%20its%20Literary%20Environment%22&f=false}}
* {{cite book | last = Bellinzoni |first = Arthur J. | title = The Sayings of Jesus in the Writings of Justin Martyr | publisher = Brill | year = 1967 | asin = B0007ISJW6 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=2cw3AAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=The+sayings+of+Jesus+in+the+writings+of+Justin+Martyr#v=onepage&q&f=false}}
* {{cite book | last = Hill | first = Charles E. | title = The Johannine Corpus in the Early Church | publisher = Oxford University Press | year = 2004 | isbn = 978-0-19-926458-2}}
* {{cite journal | last = Koester | first = Helmut |<!-- authorlink = Helmut Koester -->| title = Septuaginta und Synoptischer Erzählungsstoff im Schriftbeweis Justins des Märtyrers | journal = Theol. Habilitationsschrift| publisher = Heidelberg | year = 1956}}
* {{cite book | last = Koester | first = Helmut | title = Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development | publisher = SCM/Trinity Press | year = 1990 | isbn = 978-0-334-02459-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DGK4sIPk4PYC&printsec=frontcover&dq=ancient+christian+gospels+their+history+and+development#v=onepage&q&f=false}}
* {{cite book | last = Koester | first = Helmut | title = Introduction to the New Testament: History and literature of Early Christianity | edition = 2 | publisher = Walter de Gruyter, Berlin | year = 2000| isbn = 3-11-014693-2 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=thXUHM5udTcC&pg=PA344&lpg=PA344&dq=Introduction+to+the+New+Testament+History+and+literature+of+Early+Christianity+%22one+can+conclude+with+great+certainty+that+Justin+also+had+composed+a+harmony%22#v=onepage&q&f=false}}
* {{cite book | last = Rokeah |first = David | title = Justin Martyr and the Jews | publisher = Brill | year = 2002| isbn = 90-04-12310-5}}
* {{cite book | last = Skarsaune | first = Oskar |<!-- authorlink = Oskar Skarsaune -->| title = The Proof From Prophecy: A Study in Justin Martyr's Proof Text Tradition | publisher = Brill | year = 1987| isbn = 90-04-07468-6 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=66SsrINcDoUC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Skarsaune+%22proof+from+prophecy%22#v=onepage&q&f=false}}
* {{cite book | last = Skarsaune | first = Oskar | title = Jewish Believers in Jesus | publisher = Hendrickson Publishers | year = 2007| isbn = 978-1-56563-763-4}}
* {{cite book | last = Westcott | first = Brooke Foss | <!--authorlink = Brooke Foss Westcott--> | title = A general survey of the canon of the New Testament | publisher = MacMillan & Co | edition = 4 | year = 1875 | asin = B00086L640|url=https://books.google.com/?id=lZAsAAAAYAAJ&pg=PA120&lpg=PA120&dq=Justin+%22Moreover+also+among+us+a+man+named+John+one+of+the+apostles+of+Christ+prophesied%22#v=onepage&q=Justin%20%22Moreover%20also%20among%20us%20a%20man%20named%20John%20one%20of%20the%20apostles%20of%20Christ%20prophesied%22&f=false}}
* {{cite book | last = Bonwetsch | first = N. | title = New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge | edition = 3 | pages = 282–285| publisher = Samuel Macauley Jackson ed., Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, MI | year = 1914}} (a text that has entered the public domain and is available online at [http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/encyc06.html New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge]).
 
== Pranala luar ==